Proroguing Parliament is the Right Thing to do
Stephen Harper informed Canadians earlier this month that he will ask the Governor-General to prorogue Parliament and begin a new session on Oct. 16 with a speech from the throne. Parliament was originally set to continue business as usual this week. Instead, when MPs return to Ottawa in a month, outstanding legislation (except private member's bills) will die on the order paper and need to be re-introduced. Because the throne speech is subject to a confidence vote, there is a risk of triggering a federal election. Nonetheless, it is wise for Prime Minister Harper to outline fresh priorities and hit the legislative reset button.
Some argue "if it ain't broke, don't fix it," and that the parliamentary session should have continued unhindered. They point to sensible pieces of government legislation that were awaiting votes by lawmakers in the House of Commons and the Senate - most notably, several crime bills and initiatives aimed at reforming Canada's unelected Senate. These bills will now be delayed until they are re-introduced and vetted by lawmakers.
Others compare the PM's action to Premier Gordon Campbell's decision to cancel his legislature's fall session a year ago. It was loudly condemned in British Columbia, and the premier was even indicted for being "bereft of ideas, vision or direction" by my own group, the Canadian Taxpayers Federation. But what Prime Minister Harper is doing in this case is very different.
The 2006 federal election saw voters opt for a Conservative government, albeit a minority one. By working with opposition parties, the Conservatives have mostly implemented four of their five election promises. Ottawa enacted the Federal Accountability Act, chopped the GST by one point (with another cut promised by 2011), substituted a universal child-care allowance for the Liberals' national daycare program, and is developing medical wait-times guarantees with the provinces. Mr. Harper is correct to say that Parliament's first session was "exceptionally productive."
Recall that after the election, few predicted this minority Parliament would last as long as it has (nearly 20 months so far). Today, there is speculation voters might not return to the polls until the fall of 2009. Yet the government has exhausted its policy agenda and is now adrift. Canadians deserve to know what priorities will top the Conservatives' agenda. A speech from the throne will allow Stephen Harper's government to articulate those policies.
Proroguing Parliament will also help Mr. Harper govern without calling an election. The government is, in some areas, being stymied. The Liberal Senate has obstructed passage of crime bills despite broad public support to get tough on criminals (the fifth Conservative election priority). In addition, opposition parties passed the Kyoto Implementation Act, a law mandating that Ottawa abide by the controversial international greenhouse-gas protocol. Another opposition bill seeks to instruct the federal government to implement a "universal" daycare scheme even though Conservative MPs were elected to undo a similar policy.
The Kyoto law does not compel the government to spend any money, but it opens the door to court challenges. The same will be true of the daycare bill, should it ever become law. The opposition tail cannot keep wagging the dog.
Government bills are also being rewritten by opposition members, making them unrecognizable. Take Bill C-30: it was the government's climate change legislation, mandating that Canada's carbon dioxide emissions be reduced by 20% by 2020. It was gutted and replaced with the impossible targets contained in the Kyoto Protocol - i.e., an immediate 33% reduction in greenhouse gases. Implementing such a policy will result in higher taxes and job losses. The decision to prorogue means this bill will, thankfully, disappear.
Whenever the opposition sets the agenda - something it has done with increased frequency - the Conservatives stumble. When Mr. Harper seizes the policy initiative, he governs well and the opposition finds itself on the defensive and flatfooted. For now, Prime Minister Harper is acting judiciously by preparing a speech from the throne. It will afford his government an opportunity to present new priorities to Canadians.
Some argue "if it ain't broke, don't fix it," and that the parliamentary session should have continued unhindered. They point to sensible pieces of government legislation that were awaiting votes by lawmakers in the House of Commons and the Senate - most notably, several crime bills and initiatives aimed at reforming Canada's unelected Senate. These bills will now be delayed until they are re-introduced and vetted by lawmakers.
Others compare the PM's action to Premier Gordon Campbell's decision to cancel his legislature's fall session a year ago. It was loudly condemned in British Columbia, and the premier was even indicted for being "bereft of ideas, vision or direction" by my own group, the Canadian Taxpayers Federation. But what Prime Minister Harper is doing in this case is very different.
The 2006 federal election saw voters opt for a Conservative government, albeit a minority one. By working with opposition parties, the Conservatives have mostly implemented four of their five election promises. Ottawa enacted the Federal Accountability Act, chopped the GST by one point (with another cut promised by 2011), substituted a universal child-care allowance for the Liberals' national daycare program, and is developing medical wait-times guarantees with the provinces. Mr. Harper is correct to say that Parliament's first session was "exceptionally productive."
Recall that after the election, few predicted this minority Parliament would last as long as it has (nearly 20 months so far). Today, there is speculation voters might not return to the polls until the fall of 2009. Yet the government has exhausted its policy agenda and is now adrift. Canadians deserve to know what priorities will top the Conservatives' agenda. A speech from the throne will allow Stephen Harper's government to articulate those policies.
Proroguing Parliament will also help Mr. Harper govern without calling an election. The government is, in some areas, being stymied. The Liberal Senate has obstructed passage of crime bills despite broad public support to get tough on criminals (the fifth Conservative election priority). In addition, opposition parties passed the Kyoto Implementation Act, a law mandating that Ottawa abide by the controversial international greenhouse-gas protocol. Another opposition bill seeks to instruct the federal government to implement a "universal" daycare scheme even though Conservative MPs were elected to undo a similar policy.
The Kyoto law does not compel the government to spend any money, but it opens the door to court challenges. The same will be true of the daycare bill, should it ever become law. The opposition tail cannot keep wagging the dog.
Government bills are also being rewritten by opposition members, making them unrecognizable. Take Bill C-30: it was the government's climate change legislation, mandating that Canada's carbon dioxide emissions be reduced by 20% by 2020. It was gutted and replaced with the impossible targets contained in the Kyoto Protocol - i.e., an immediate 33% reduction in greenhouse gases. Implementing such a policy will result in higher taxes and job losses. The decision to prorogue means this bill will, thankfully, disappear.
Whenever the opposition sets the agenda - something it has done with increased frequency - the Conservatives stumble. When Mr. Harper seizes the policy initiative, he governs well and the opposition finds itself on the defensive and flatfooted. For now, Prime Minister Harper is acting judiciously by preparing a speech from the throne. It will afford his government an opportunity to present new priorities to Canadians.
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